BOB PENNiNGTONicle on social democracy PENNINGTON traces from the end of World War I to the first Labour government of 1923, the general strike of 1926 and up to the debacle of 1931. history 1918 unleashing a wave of radicalism across Europe.
TUC and Labour's vote was steadily increasing.
Two choices faced Labour. Should it place itself at the head of this growing radicalism and lead movement for significant social change and begin class war? Or. should it become a party separate and existing in its own right, but firmly wedded to parliament and constitutional change.
Without hesitation
chose the latter course. Arthur Henderson said the Dy means op parliamel 'means of parliamentary democracy So despite its new pro gramme Labour and thi New Social Order, and its adoption tion of Clause Four which committed Labour to the common ownership of the means of production and control of each industry and service', it still played the game according to the rules of capitalism.
Both s vee" Webb the author of Labour's IICY prugrammc, Philip Snowden had argued for gradua ism and bringing socialism about with as 'little hardship to exis inc interests possible.
Very few people gol round to asking either Webb or Snowden what was so radical about a prodHC dL LooK overre powers and destroyed the privileges of the ruling class, but at the same time got their consent? Maybe the theorists of gradualism thought was done SOWY and witnout violence' to quote Sydney Webb, the CaDaNSES might never notice it had nappened to them!
By December 1923, when Labour took oftice it was certainly a responsible government. At a private and secret meeting even before they took over the government, MacDonald Snowden, Thoma and Webb agreed according to Snowden that: •We must show the country we were not under the domination of wild men.
On that score nobody would have the slightest need to worry. Certainly not the big companies. his first Budget Snowden got rid of a special tax on Corporation profits, which he admitted was fairly C C ave was not a 'popular tax'. In this he was right. The Corportions thought anything that CureE dividends to be very popular, especially their sharcholders.
Unrest Strikes and unrest were certainly not popular with the - anolIr government. MacDonald wrote 'public coles, r oplarism, strikes, limitations of output are HOLONOE CC CHEO!
policy Labour was not exactly innovatorv on the domestic front, it was certainly conservative on the overseas front.
J.H. Thomas the Colonial Secretary exemplified this when he toasted the CHESTE and said the government were broud and realous or. and were prepared to maintain By 1919 there were over four million members in the This the Empire'. no 4010 1 reassured the establishment but did little to cheer Britan's colonial slaves, but then after all they were only foreigners.
When Labour fell as a result of losing a vote of confidence it left behind a record that Was HICHTC radical nor progressive But office had made the leaders even more conservative. MacDonald moaned that * ... the Party (not the cabinet) was not fit to The new Tory governdid find -HICHE day henceforth known as ne exe nocewarov King's Story wrote how MacDonald and his cas ner maco mner aeou at Court colourfully clad in the uniforms of Ministers or tue browi, now lovery they must have looked in their 'blue, gold braided tall coats and white knee breeches with sword.' Edward said that this and mel countesy went Tar to reassure my father.
her Diaries, Beatrice notee tidy UNCIE Arthur (Arthur Henderson) bursting with childish jos over his Home Office Seal:
TeO Beatne. box which he handed round the company Red Friday as a result of miners strike threat, backed by the TUC, it was forced to give a subsidy to ine coal industry TaLLICI than the miners take a wage cut.
But this victory did not please everybody. J.H. Thomas was *far happy and thought *dangerous for the future the country' that 'employers governThe Webbs with 'Uncle' Arthur Henderson in 1923 wages went down. triumphant Tory EOVCUT ment was able to cut the Labour Party's finances by making it law that people had to contract-in to pay the political levy The trade union rank and file smarting under the defeat of 1926 doubted the idea that militancy paid off.
From 1919 to 1921 the average number workers involved in strikes and lock outs worked out From 1927 until 1939 they at 2,108,000 each Y COL only came to 308,100.
When Labour took over unemployment totalled 1,164,000. In Ius LYCI months it had passed the 2 million mark.
Proposals to raise pen sions, give cash to workers to induce early retirement and to boost purchasing power, along with controls of imports and for more public control of industry Tell on stony ground.
Treasury orthodoxy calling cuts, reductions in social services, and CUEDCeKS unemployment benefits won out MacDonald was detercabinet accepted cuts, although a minority were against any cuts in dole MacDonald, his sense of résponsibility and patriotism outraged by his cabinet's refusal to get on with the cuts, got shot of them. He went off did a private deal the Tories which led to the formation 'National Government"
Then in alliance with the Tories and the Nationa Liberals he went to the COUL slogan: 'Save the Pound, Save the Country'. Labour's vote dived by two million anc the National Coalition romped home.