IN PREVIOUS issues of Socialist Challenge we have examined the role of German, Spanish, and French social democracy, and shown how they have responded to the big events and crisis in their respective countries.
Beginning this week, INGTON, looks at the rise of the British Labour Party, showing how it has responded to the crisis and opportunities for social change that have taken place in British society. BOB PENNWhen the Labour Representation Committee was formed in February 1900, it was to lead within a few years to the establishment of the Labour Party. taken by the working class towards having its own political party.
But that conference something else. dent Labour Party, particularly Keir Hardie, had decided that if Labour was anywhere it had to be done through parliament.
in arliamentary Socialism: the 'Labour Party has always been dogmatic about socialism, but about the parliamentary system. Empirical and flexible about aese eates have always made devonon to that system tien fixed of reference PonE and the conditioning factor of their behaviour.
When Foot therefore made his speech grateful Tory Front Bench 11 1704 denouncing Peter Tatchell alleged extraparliamentarism. Foot saw himself of'social democracy deten- the knight ding its very holy grail.
The LRC Conference also set its stame on lac Labour Party in way. The Independent Labour Party, and par ticularly Keir Hardie, had decided that a party like the ILP with a socialist programme, albeit a reformist one, would never get une votes. and membership, to make it a serious In order to team up with the trade unions the ILP leaders therefore happily accepted that the declared only purpose of the organisation would be the representa tion of working class opinon br sympathetic the aims and demands OI the labour movement'. In a tradition that has been continued ever since, and which is dear to the hearts of about s bresent ondaow Cabinet, these demands were left undefined Class War by the Social Democratic Federation a distinct party bas- the LRC to form the recognition of the class war and having ultimate objective SILS the socialisation means production, distribution, change' got only a handful As the majority of the people leading the LRC trade unionists, and ILP mempers alike were hostile to the doctrine of class war, it was obvious that they would ain achieve their objectives by compromise and alllances with sections of the ruling Class.
And, of course -ThA place where the politica representatives of the ruling class are to be found, is The first real step had been also decided The leaders of the Indepengoing to get representatives could not be tied down by dogmanc poncies otherwise their chances to win over and even Tories would be more difficult, if not im possible. So, these Cautiou and reformist leaders, the idea of not defining the aims of the LRC was correct.
As soon as it got involved the electoral field, the LRC had to the Liberals Tories, and it solved that by recommending that its affiliated organisations *should run candidates, to begin with, in such a way as to make it possible to either the local Liberal o Conservative Association to leave an open field for the Labour candidates Keir Hardie Labour and bring the new radicalism safely in tow behistead of leading this Instead of radicalism against Liberalism, the Labour Mrs saw i as a sure way or pressurising the Liberals, rather breaking the Liberal Pars means ty. From 1911 until 1914, issues like Home Rule for Ireland, votes for women and trade union rights dominated radical British Donnes. bur Labour under the chairmanship of Mac saw their main task as being to keep the 'progressive' Liberals in office.
As a result Labour could never place itsell at the head of the Irish Home Rule VIOVCHICH Whilst being in favour of VOLC. -WORCE. adherence constitution extra-parlia mentary action meant it finished up on the wrong MacDonald wrote of the suffragettes: *The violent methods are wrong and in their nature and social, quite irrespective of vote or no vote.
Such a view was entirely logical for MacDonald After all, he had argued *the modern state in most civilised communities democratic, and in spite of anomalies and imperfections, if the mass of the ordinary people are agreed upon any policy neither electors, privileged peers nor reigning houses could stand in their way.
plained WICU peers would do if their privileges were ever threatened. Not did he go into any detai the reigning houses would do if some upstarts from the mass of - ine oramary people ever tried to stop them reigning.
Then in 1914 came the biggest test of all Great War broke out and Europe headed on the greatest binge of slaughter humanity had ever seen.
Labour's response was immediate. the August the most important organisations of the abour movement met l conterence. Their ostensithey were against the or ficial definitions and causes of the war. MacDonald, who resigned the leadership of the Labour Party Keir Hardie, Snowden, Jowett and KHCTETOSOT their opposition to the blood bath.
But they had their qualifications. Hardie ad mitted A Nation at war must be united, especially when its existence is stake.' MacDonald wrote:
must go SUCCEE through. History will in 2OOOTLI the but the voung men this country must. for the HOWICHEL. settle the immediate issues of victory.
Snowden who was against participation in the war effort, never let his his patriotic duty, and *the whole labour movement will be united or point namely that it is the duty of the movement to help the nation in its present difficulties.
Now that was the raving' opposition of the left extremists responsible ones happily their responsibilities and accepted the otter to loin the ment. On 15 May Henderthe Labour Party leader joined the cabinet along William Brace and GH Roberts who got jobs as junior ministers.
InC this decision. The Labour leaders knew that when it came to the crunch they had to support their ruling class, who after all were born and bred, even though they might be trade unionists.
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War Med Donald neer ex-