belongs to vitation only perialism. main political, and prop it up. but we also sav become master of the Irish house.
Besides insisting on the withdrawal of troops, the Labour Movement has a duty to give the development in Ireland of a workers bartv which has a programme that can brfor the Irish Revolution. A debate on exactly how to do this has been going On In the British trade unions and TOlE while now which has been proposed by the Militant Tendency.
Militant sees the formation of a mass party of labour' within the Counties as the answer formation of Liaison Committee with the Irish Labour Party in the Republic as the way to unite the Irish WOrKerS. This solution could only guarantee the continuing divisions in Ireland. The Marxist programme for the Irish Revolution starts from the premise that the house of Ireland the Irish. They have the right to say that whoever else wants to come in must be at their inne chiet enemy of the Irish people is British Im.
instrument for keeping up Irish is the partitionist border and the troops who that Ireland's liberation depends upon the ability of the Irish working class to religion which divid divides the Belfast protestant workers from the catholic workers in Dublin. Loyalism is a reactionary political ideology which ties a key section of the Irish work ing class to the coat-tails of British finance capital.
The anti-imperialist sentiments rEne TesE Or the workers movement are Chamelee through parties (SDLP, in the North, Fianna Fail in the South) because there is no mass working ight for y prepared to fight capitalist parties play on political divisions in side the working class so as to be in a better position to betray the political, social and interests which Irish workers have in common. the consistent class policy in the Six Counties needs So CarTE with the southern workers. *labour which hopes partition has hope becoming anything more plebeian unionist front it would be rerun of the various past Unionist Labour associations, none of which have survived a major test. could hold no prospects for the Republicanminded in the Sport let ali any pro spect unity southern workers.
When a unified trade union movement for all Ireland was under discussion in the sixties it was the reactionary Unionist Party which vetoed the unification proposals save the federal solution UICI which is now being raised by the Militant as the way all-Ireland create Party of Labour, The Unionists understood that in the autonomous Northern Committee of the ICTU (Irish Congress of Trade Unions) there would be an in-built majority for Loyalists who would have a veto against all proposals which could lead to the unity of all Irish workers.
Despite strength, despite the growing militancy in economic struggles North and South the inability of the ICTU to take all-Ireland action is a crucial weakness. This weakness flows from the inability of its leadership to take on Loyalism and champion the imperialist interests of the Labour Movement Yet Militant still raises the federal solution and offers against genuine unity in the shape of La coal alt Labour Party for the Six Counties.
Militant porters must learn from history. A genuine working class party in Ireland HIUSL all-Ireland organisation and allIn James Connolly was right when he wrote in Labour Irish History ..the pressure of common exCalE шаке enthusiastic rebels protestant working class earnest champions of civil and religious liberty out o catholics, and out of bott demomean breaking Loyalist shackles which chain the protestant ly capital. War most be ly capital. War must waged on Loyalism, concessions made to it.
Let's go with Connolly - not Militant!
Socialist Challenge 4 September 1982
Socialist Challenge Poland on the second anniversary of the Gdan- AS WE go to press tension is building up in
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Right: Unionist leader Carson, Left, British troops. only when partition ends will Protestant and Catholic workers be able to unite.
craHowever taught that this would first