A suitable case for dumping. stop the war! Malvianas and Salvador! These slogans on the massive 6 June CND march signalled new stage in British politics. A small part of the labour movement was standing up to its own ruling class 's war.
Real wars have always had a devastating effect on 'peace movements Will the new anti-missile movement scatter before the increasing threat of US inCentral America? the balance sheet of Thatcher's dry run in the South Atlantic?
A brief glance at past peace movements unal suca orodens are nol the property of a few secLallalls. In the 1930s the Communist Parties began building 'anti-fascist popular fronts', many in the form of campaigns for Casualties of this turn still haunt CND's fringes, pedding grandiose schemes to invoke the goodwill of the world's leading butchers; outer orine real war of 1939 dispersed most of them mILo Cnci own ruling class's camp. War Twenty years later CND's first wave lost direction after the test ban treaty,. when the Labour Party dropped unilateralism the 1961 Cuban missile crisis receded.
CND never the ranks of the workers' movement.
By the mid-60s CND's most ToCa seu SECUN were already looking at a smal South tast Asiar country where a colossal military conflict with imperialism was shaping üp Vietnam. CND R whole, however, could not cope.
Will today's movement also have DaCK BrOKeI aca war'? As E P Thompson said just before 6 June: 'A peace movement that doesn't oppose a real war is useless.
But profound difterences sedaae cocav anti-nuclear actions from older ocalc movements'. They have a specific target, shared by Socialist Challenge the evolution of the British antition between these campaigns and onial revolutions.
all socialists and imperialists: stop the latest range of US missiles being stationed in Europe.
threatens the most powerful à ee even NATO. It enormously popular in the European wolkers movement. This places it different category from the wild and wooly 'world peace' proposals of the 1930s.
In Britain gigantic forces have come out onto the streets in fear and hatred of the imperialists' nuclear policy and mistrust of its European and US leaders. Their breathtaking scale has censee overall control to the Stalinists and social demOcra Real Neither in Britain nor elsewhere Western europe have mass actions focussed on detente or arms talks. Instead they have striven to force governments to break nuclear commitments.
consequence the movement plays an enormous political role in 'real wars' Fierce revolutionary struggle in Central America and the new upLatin America have combined with the huge ment to make US rulers HUVE think twice about launching a decisive military 16 July 1982 page 10 ruling class is split over the crucial issue.
They all agree that the Irish are ine last people who should run and that British interests are best served by keeping partition, but how?
I ne Americans want lc rely more on the Southern bringing more firmi imperialist cen brought isto ATO brought into NATO and involved in the war drive, tne closer political links made Britain might create the chance to carry out big attacks on Last week BRIAN HERON looked at This week he discusses the connecthe growth of solidarity with the colCentral nuCIa It would therefore be the of seclallal folly to counterpose solidarity WIL unc Coola revolt lu building a broad labour movement alliance against the missiles. Best There is a real connection between imperialist struggle and movements: their growth and success Cor the emergence of a the emergence of labour movement current backing the PLO against Begin, ano une against Reagan.
ne o sure demoisudtion against Reagans visit, coinciding with Thatcher's Malvinas war, was the first SCIUUS test of this conciu sion. The war undoubtedate into popular and labour movement support for the action. But the 250,000 did Come out despite chauvinist hvsteria. Ihe demonstration was a backdrop for at - Wal sellinic l. and several platform speakers forced obDUst Thatcher's adventure albelt inconsistantlv CND itself, through the Ad Hoc Committee demonstrafocus ror opposition to focus opposition Thatcher's war.
This 'real war' did not destrov and disperse popular feeling and action against the missiles, which AFTER a marathon week of all-night sessions, Prior's Northern Ireland Bill goes upstairs to the House of Lords, looking set to lead to elections for an Assembly in the autumn. Beneath the 'get the wet' campaign aimed at Prior, the Southern workers: ICCS aly miove lel British and US profits.
Hla ulil! of the British ruling class backs this option. The Anglo-Irish talks have already proved usetul. Whilst the Trish government Gerry Tuite for the British, they are spending £l million a day on border SeCulILy.
But Tory back benchers and Powellites look upon any. , talks with the irish as a sell out. These 'empire want to llcll therefore remains an enormous obstacle for the imperialists' drive to shatter the colonial revolution.
Soil These facts show that novenetts and actions against the missiles create CILIC SOOr a CouS S arE ly anti-imperialist wing of the labour Huveicill first SROOL. are LOW emerging: Youth CND whose conference disbanded to demonstrate against the Malvinas war;
Women's Conference, WnlCn voted against NATO and the war Atlantic; those in the health unions wIld acutanuct HOTe money for the NHS rather than Wal with Argentina all given political CNID Ad Hoe Committee. focus Benn and the preserve 'all that They wad keep Britain's reactionary friends Ulster day when no longer serves the ruling class.
But unionism's 'old days' are gone. collapse of power came une smashing of Stormont, pallane. destroved by nationalists who demanded civil rights. still has a sting though. In 1974 when the British tried impose powe. Snare Sunningdale the Ulster Council Strike workers showed that loyalists still nau tae Dowerlo velo Wild anyone else wanted even if they couldn't have "it all their own way.
Such solidarity will not be built by delivering ultimata to CND change programme Our aim is not to divide support for CND against Cruise and Trident, but to give this radicalisation mass action, labour movement orientation But as revolutionary socialists, we always point out the connections between imperialism's missile colonial revolution. argue TO1 action against these designs. defend and build solidarity movements and actions the El Salvador campaign, the Si ara ua canh, campaign ane0 . . JOI amnongst CND's ranks support them in the process recognising that the anti-missile movement is a huge gain for all those fighting imperialism, throughout the world.
When Prior took over he said, doubt it i can make much bigger bloodv mess of the thing than it's in right now, so l I have a go Hillelt as Wcl His devolution plan packaged something but really. just cob. bles together bits of old plans already failed. Call it Storingdale or Sunmont!
Prior's plan won't stop the IRA, and that's his main concern which is why the Anglo-Irish talks still quietly continue. Hou many concessions makes to the South and now many ne makes to ine hard line unionists is accaed. DOLOY the butfoonery in the House of Commons but REFUSI including p&p.
Enterprises Orders 10
political preparedness of the nationalists in Treland to resist imperialism every sen or une wav once une H-block campaign, the DUTC military pontics the Provisionals have led the dwindling of the mass movement so it has been possible for Prior to make big. concessions to the Unionists.
One thing is certain. The troops and the prison camps remain The Labour leaders in Britain have done nothing follow party conference decisions, and tag along OCTRO the Tories think the Irish should decide government they want. The only policy for the British is to get out Cheques puyable 10 Cardinal PO Box 50,° London NI 2XP.
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missiles movement, and the serious problems of orientation facing CND after a year's phenomenal successes.
JOBS CNO Anti Imperialist sentiment - aided by CND
BASILES GRUISI
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