ON 8 DECEMBER 1970, more than 600,000 workers went on strike in protest against the Tory government's anti-trade union legislation, dustrial Relations December Day of Action was unprecedented in that it was initiated by an unofficial rank and file body, the Committee for Defence Trade Unions, and carried forward despite the opposition of the TUC.
Mr Feather, General Secretary of the TUC, had opposed the action on the grounds that it was constitutional and contrary to the traditions of the ment to take strike against an elected ment:
Feather's command, Len Murray, was in the lead of those attacking the strike. It could, he said, lead to a snap general election and a Tory victory.
The timid line of the TUC was completely out of line with the mood in the class. The TUC hoped that 8 December was a flash in the pan. But it was followed by another Day of Action on 12 January In Merseyside and Manchester brought out 180,000.
The LTDU campaign began to draw in increasing support from official bodies in the unions — District and Regional Committees; the Execs of some of the smaller unions. Still the TUC hesitated.
Sundav February more than 250,000 demonstrated in London in response to an official call LEC (there simultaneous marches in other major centres) whose slogan for the day was 'Attack the Bill'.
This contrasted with the LCDTU slogan of 'Kill the Bill'. It was the latter slogan that was taken up, 'Heath Out' and Strike.
The platform speeches renected the divisions in the General Councit of the TUC.
Chairing the meeting, Greene told the 250,000 marcters 1o fa transe quiri: and leavespe isailer socialet in the hands of the leaders.
Jack Jones, rest there.
the InBill. The 8 the shop floor organisation.
Liaison ficial actions, of Talkand the and delegations to Carr).
Run- full economic moveaction governthan million second-inAUEW calls, many other unions. left officials to call action.
Scotland, which required all-out action Tories.
Dortunity
1971. presented, the struggle into protest were again.
ship of the ficials. The Bill became law. along Generat Relations Act, into effect Sidney jailed for defying the Act.
But the transport union under ana ine engineers uncer Hugh Scanlon could not let matters The main base of the LCDTU was in the shop stewards' committees, and the stewards saw 'Carr's Bill', as it was called, as primarily an attack on It was they who built the unofand turned out ine membership for the demonstrations. action Moving in to the leadership of the file mobilisation Scanlon 'The time for political action is over (pressure on parliament 'Have we not the right to demand that the trade union movement uses strike.
and inaustila strength to win this battle for us all! This is the only weapon we have left.
The AUEW then moved in to head up the resistance to the Bill. On 1 March and again on 12 March more workers struck against the Bill, in response to official backed up by the LCDTU and action from members of struck At this point the weaknesses of the LCDTU's policy began to take effect. sallicy Its ability to take action independent ingham of the official leadership was the key to shifting Scanlon. But once Scanlon moved the LCDTU abandoned its independent role. It now relied on the But the lefts on the TUC had gone as far as they dared with the protest actions. Stopping the Bill would have against When, in the summer of '71, the struggle against the closure of Upper . Clyde Shipbuilders broke out, the opfor building towards general strike against the Tories was directed the action once THe LCDTU, under the leaderCommunist Party, contented itself with supporting the ofThe TUC adopted a policy of passive resistance to the Industrial IR refusing to register under it and refusing to pay any fines.
Encouraged by the lack of action the Tories proceeded to put the Act On 21 July 1972 five dockers were Wii Feasher commenied. 'Purting people in prison... solves nothing. The damage that the IR Act is doing to industrial relations and to the nation is now clear to everybody:
Jack Jones spoke of '...industrial difficulties being made worse by the operation of the Act'. (The dockers were TGWU members.)
The officials, in the absence of rank and file action were not going to controll une government On 24, 25 and 26 July unofficial involving 250,000 WORKCIS throughout the country forced the freeing of the five.
It was clear that had the Tories not released them the strikes would have spread. Even Vic Feather was forced to talk in terms of a one-day general The LCDTU played the central role in this action. But once again it failed to build on the position it had gained, and allowed the officials to take control.
The extent of working class opposition to the Tories was Heath had introduced incomes policy which was widely opposed.
In January '72 the miners had against Phase defeated the Tories after the Battle of Gates' when 10,000 Birmworkers SUD* ported their picket.
In the spring of. "72 Manchester engineering workers had used sit-ins to pursue a national wage claim.
In the summer of '72 the building workers had engaged in the first truly national strike in that industry -had used flying pickets to bring the industry to a halt.
Discontent Was widespread; militancy was high. But the officials were determined that there would be no bringing together of action to kick out the Tories.
And the CP ensured that the LCDTU did not mount a challenge to this policy. Their was maintain a friendly relationship with the left officials; pushing the militancy of the workers forward would have endangered that relationship.
The working class was to pay a heavy price. The struggle against the continued through '72, and '74. The high point was May Day 1973 when two million struck against Phase 2 and the IR Act.
The peak of the LCDTU reached in November 1970, when 2500 delegates met to call the 8 December action. It met irregularly daring the big strugeles that follooned.
But it never again achieved the kind of support that it had then. By the time of its October the CP's policy of relying on the left officials rather than forcing them to move had had its effect.
At a time when the AUEW had just been fined £75,000 under the IR Act, Phase Three had been announced, and the trial of the Shrewbury building workers -charged with 'conspiracy' for their • role in the national building workers' - had just got under fewer than 800 delegates attended.
The CP was moving right at a rate of knots, to keep pace with Hugh The hero of the "7l demo canon. had just had f100,000 of union funds seized by the National Court His response was members 'might be called upon' to give "tangible evidence' of their desire to defend the union! The CP defended this position.
On the Shrewsbury refused to draw up any plans for the LCDTU to take action.
The trials went ahead, with Des and Warren getting five years and Ricky Tomlinson getting three years.
Scanlon diverted against the Act into a series of protests on 5, 12, 19, 23 November. The LCDTU played no independent role.
Not suprisingly, support began to weaken, confirming Scanlon's claim that he was failing because the members would not supThis policy of the CP opened the door for even worse betrayals. Behind the scenes, Jones and Scanlon were working on the social contract, the agreement that was to be the cover for the Wilson-Callaghan assault on the working class The LCDTU did not meet again to until March "75, returned. Even then break with Jones and Scanion.
Faced with the refusal of Labour Home Secretary Roy Jenkins to free the Shrewsbury pickets, and with a new incomes policy in the shape of the '73 social contract, the CP declared that 'the key need is united rank and file pressure to win the TUC and the Labour government to change course was now.
This. LCDTU delegates.
The record of the Labour govern.
TeD! I RIE '73 conference KnOWIl known.
who had been way, terent that the trials they the struggle loopholes IO lead only dismissed will against , after Labour was it refused to attracted incraployment and cutting living standards, and in breaking up the militancy of the class is well But the role of the CP in allowing it to happen is not so well As the LCDTU starts a new campaign these lessons need to be learned.
Had the LCDTU fought both to win the officials to action and to organise as an independent rank and file body through the structures of the trade union movement allying with the lett ofticials but never reiving or them the recent history of the labour movement would have been very ditalmost impossible to win ol maintain. 80-85 per cent of the employees must vote favour. Even then there will be on grounds strong conviction. 2 To assist such strong con victions £20,000 will be paid tr scabs and 'nonners' funds to thos for membership. 3 The right to strike will b severely restricted. The aim i to outlaw solidarity For example, refusal by lorr drivers to cross picket line be outlawed. Actiol Government polic will be out.
Support action for worker on strike such as at Grunwick will be outlawed. Blacking o equipment from firms wher redundançies are being im posed will be out.
4 Selective dismissal strikors will be made easier At present employers are on titled to sack all workers o
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figh 1 The closed shop will be