A DELUGE of popular rejoicing took place on May 10 last year when Francois Mitterand was elected President of France, ending an unbroken run of right-wing since the second war. Since the general strike and factory occupations of May-June 1968 the French left has grown, re-organised and prepared itself through HOMETOUS struggles and electoral tests to break the grip of the right wing and open the transition towards socialism.
After nine months of Socialist Party government. the struggle between the working class and the bosses developing only slowly in marked contrast to many on the left had expected.
The left has come to power in rrance in a rather different context than was foreseen dur. ing the 1970s. While the Socialist Party victory reflects the deep radicalisation and recomposition of the working class since 1968, especially the shift to the left among young workers and women the Socialist WOTKErs. victory in the Presidential and Assembly elec tions did not occur at a time of massive working class upsurge.
On the contrary, as a result of the austerity IRCUSURES bourgeoisie and nearly two million the number of strikes 1980 the since 1953. Over the last TOUT years une largest trade union federation. the Communist-led CGT, has lost nearly half its members, from 23 million to million. Mitterand has therefore not come to power on the back of a massive wave of working Class struggles, as did the Popular Front government in 1936, in which the government would have to preside over a very sharp clash between the classes. Doubt Mitterand has been elected for a seven year term. and the parliament for five years. The Socialist president therefore argues that he has the time to proceed gradually, and many worker are inclined to give him the benefit of the doubt - for the time being. But the depth of the economic crisis. and the experience of the government so far. show that fundamental choices cannot be long delayed.
In the realm of civil liberties the government has already taken Francois Mitterrand: his period of grace is coming to an end. a number of very progressive measures. The death penalty has been abolished and the State Security court has been abolished. Moves have made wrest television away from Giscard's appointees. the deportation of immigrants has stopped and BRISOARTS have been freed. Of course these measures are immensely progressive, but they are the 'easy' measures they don't inTO LONG volve trampling on any the bosses' fundamental rights.
Much inLOSe dicative of the general direction in which the government is going are their actions on shorter working hours and nationalisations. Mitterand came to power pledged to reduce the working week to hours and to cive more holidays. Already the government has granted a fifth week's statutory paid holiday. but it has compromised on the 35-hour week.
An agreement has been made the French emplovers' organisation the CNPF to immediately introduce a 39-hour workweek the 35-hour week over five This gives the employers lots of time for prevarication during the negotiations Moreover the employers are turning the introduction of the 39-hour week their advantage saying that to compensate for the reduction workers must agree more Embassy in Managua be re-opened? 5. When does the flexible' rostering OT work hours, reduction in meal breaks etc.
Already whole series of struggles have broken out against these attempts by the bosses to use the shorter working week to deal a blow to the including WOTKETS among government workers. customs of ficers and airport workers as well as factory workers. But these struggles are far from being a nationally co. ordinated movement: for the moment they remain fragmented and sectoralised.
The nationalisation programme of the government has come up against the TES SInCE or The Counts Mitterand proposed the nationalisation of five industrial groups, two finance holding banks which remained outside the framework of the nationalised banking system, Despite the fact that compensagenerous tion was offered, the Constitutional Council, France's •Supreme Court on major constitutional matters ruled that it was not enough Bosses Mitterand accepted their decision and thus the bosses will get billions of francs more addition the implementation of the na tionalisations will be held up. The decision of the Constitutional Council is typical of the kind obstruction which the ruling class will put in the way of the Socialist government.
An indication of the fundamental problems which the French government will face. nowever. is the attack on social security which it has already carried out. Faced with the Pinochet in Chile?) Socialist Challenge should combine activity crisis of state PXDEN diture the government mcreased workers nainsurance contributions by far more than those of employers. and in•La> unemployment benefit. This is not a good sign for the future.
The political situationise toning to e re-organisation workers movement. The Communist Party, which has traditionally been the best organised party in the factories commanding per cent of the votes in elections. is suffering on position has fallen back badly. and the CP's position in the unions has also suffered. Grip In the Communist-led CGT the grip of the CP at rank and file level is slackening. while in many elections for shop stewards and representatives the pro Socialist CFDT is tending to gain at the expense of CGT. This reflects the deep suspicion which the CP is regard OT SSES tarianism and its move away "Euro communism' towards traditional pro-Russian The events in Poland, which have had a big impact in France have deeply shaken both the CP and the CGT leadership, as rank verage IP presents week in and week evlin MeAliskey. Hugo Blam and file CTers have come out in favour of Solidarnose against the CP line.
The immediate pic ture the organisation of the workers movement of a move away from the CP towards the Socialist Party. But the reality is more complex. As the economic crisis deepens, the Socialist Party government for that is what it essentialIV is despite the STESEnCE ministers - will have to administer the crisis. Any progressive moves it makes will meet the InCESCIV resistance of bourgeoisie. organisation of the trade unions and workers" parties is also taking the form of the development of opposi tional currents at the base of the movement.
Today in there precedented concentration of power in the hands of the workers parties both at a na tional and local level.
jority are still giving Mitterand what he calls his "period of grace. But it will not last for ever.
As the crisis deepens the workers will increasingly come into conflict the bosses. The first nine of socialist MOTENS government have been storm. other magazine has the in depth political reporting and n is like Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, Bernadet
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