WHEN GENERAL JARUZELSKI's troops went into action against the Polish workers on 13 December most of the European communist parties hesitated to make a judgement. in particular, the British Communist Party waited for several days before making criticisms, while the French Communist Party, almost by instinct, move 'positive overall'. No such hesitations occurred however in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) which boldly condemned the military's move from the start.
According the PCI's general secretary that the whole historical of socialist advance which with the October revolution "has reached a dead end'. He concluded that the process of 'socialist renewal"
Eastern Europe was now impossible.
response the PCI to Polish events was treme criticism of the Soviet bloc made so tar For over a decade the PCI has been in sharo contlict with the Soviet leadership over its internal policy and its international orientation. Worse The response of the Soviet Union has been imand uncompromisis. JOLIE in Pravda amounts, in effect, excommunication' of the PCI, in the same style as previous denunciations of the Yugoslav CP in the late *forties and the Chinese its first hesitant pronounced Jaruzelski's Speculation that this is indeed the parting ofthe ways between the PCI and the Kremlin has excited ininterest the ideologues of Ine European bourgeoisies. Their almost unanimous: the PCI has it should now be allowed into government.
According to the Financial Times since the policy of the PCI is rather less radical than that of the present French nent or the British Labour left, there is absolutely no reason to now keep it out provided 115 unks witn Moscow are detinitively In fact, the major oblections of the American and European politicians PCI participation in government, which consummafor an *historic com(le Christian Democrat government) has been that you cannot rely Moscow, no matter what. Enrico Belinguer, PC/ leader the PCI away Stalinism towards becoming a social democratic party traditional type.
Even if the PCI in the past has been quite in favour of participating in a government which managed capitalism rather than attacking nonetheless this reflected not just the own reformist orientation but also the policy the Soviet bureaucracy - that of the not chailenging the diviSIOn Europe, formerly workers state were used to overturn leaderships, prothe theory of the that defence of socialism was identical to the defence of the Soviet Union.
The net result of this process was the creation of parties like the CP under Dutt and Pollitt, the French CP Thorez, and the PCI under Togliatti which placed idherence to the line of the Soviet Union in effect defence of its diplomatic interest, above the interests of the international gic national class strug change this? For or partie like PCI the French CP, the years after the second world war plac separate and apart fron Moscow No doubt, financial aid Moscow continued until recently, but the PCI fundamentally dependent on that.
CHOf immense pressure on the PCI has been showing the Italian bourgeoisie that participating the management of the state In other words, the long bureaucrac are caught own bourgoisie - and it has increasingly chosen the critical action invariably follows.
Soviet Marxism-Leninism is anti-Marxist in more fundamental sense: it assume that Marxism is a finished body of knowledge to be learned distinguishes Stalinist democratic party? So long as there is no difference at the level of policy, so long as the Stalinists are commanaging the capitalist state apparatus rather than overthrowing there is only difference the link with Moscow, the subordination of no matter how partial or vestigial the interests Soviet state. If thePCI has made its final break with Moscow, the road to full social-democratisation now open. by rote. It is literally police ideology. It is no the least of Susiov's crimes Working case at nee working class relentlessly guarded this ideology against every Socialist Challenge 4 February 1982