in 29 September, taffa Products in East London occupied their actory to try to prevent the removal of their actory to Plymouth. The close-down invoives net loss of jobs and the destruction of 30 per ent of all engineering jobs in East London.
The dispute soon won official ilacking of Staffa motors was taken up by ockers and miners and more was promised. ¡upport for the dispute up and down the counry was such that the strike committee was ble to pay out f5 expenses per shift to each icket in the last weeks of the dispute.
y a substantial majority to give up the fight nd accept the phased closure of the factory in the basis of some limited concessions. Why lid this happen?
vent wrong. Socialist Challenge invites Staffa vorkers and supporters to write and tell us vhat they think of the conclusions of this artile and the outcome of the fight for jobs at itaffa.
The minority of strike activists put up a valiant nght. racy understood hat the best weapon was JCCUTANOICAECECCO 1 24-hour picket was mainamnea tmrougnou - ram ar shine.
The strikers toured the country speaking at labour INOVELCLL bodies and fighting for finances and blacking. When asked why oniV continue the. fight, most activists replied. "apathy was the main enemy' mainedis The disgese explained. biggest culprits are the leadership of the engineering particularly Duffy and Boyd. What better platfight Tory unemployment does the 390 workers employed at support.
But after 10 weeks, the workforce decided BRIAN GROGAN gives his views on what labour movement need ESH SECAI IHLLEHSIECLE group of workers? But at no time did they attempt to promote the fight and extend its support. AUEW It is almost SCerH true that without the battle ne auTence workers, they probably 3082423420010 the dispute official. This TOCCOHE COIIfidence of the majority of inactive strikers But it wasn't only the right wing of the ALEW The local AUEW District, whose President is ComWELLIIESL Parls IClOC. George Anthony. equally failed to lift a finger to help the fight. The fact of the matter is that at the end of ten weeks worker had received more than five weeks strike pay -and some less than that.
The national leader ship of the Labour Party also defaulted. It is true that some 30 MPs sponsored a resolution demanding the blocking of the f4m grant which was the basis on which the decision to move to Plymouth was ITaLIC But they did not even appear on the picket line, let alone take it to the shadow cabinet and the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party as they promised.
MP There were only one or two honourable tions. SEIS CO DOUTaRE the problem created by the support given to the Staffa management by the local Labour MP Bryan Magce The inexperienced strike leadership had to tackle problems of how to the management removing motor stock and machinery when the factory was patrolled by over 100 police. They to find à strategy for dealing with the hostility to their fight of the local MP.
They had to keep the strike and win CUHN blacking financially. and solidarity. This was aside from dealing with the in trigues and attacks of a soonst elea manale of an American-owned in C HaLUCE company hacked to ne mel Tories. It was only on the basis of tackling these problems that the confidence of the inactive majority could have been won.
Given the default of the official leadership of movement, the Right and the Socialist Workers Party, were able to provide collection sheets, leaflets, public platforms and help in rasing nd dan upe and down PULE country.
promoting the Right to Work Campaign led the strike caders away developing fight CLOTEE HEREEUE leadership of the trades and the Labour 2131I852 Party to act in support of the dispute. This went in that Laurence Scolt Right to Work GSDUILE. members tried to substitute for the official movement rather than involve it.
examples: the collection sheets that were emblazoned all over them. This publicised the Right IO WOrK Campaign but gave an excuse to the right wing not to contribute lo the dispute It gave the impression that the workers not in of their own dispute. This was reinforced hy giving the Right Work telephone number hice" the "delegation's The night of the eviction lactory, most of the leading NELO Blackpool on the Right to Work demo. disaster as it meant that no Icadership. was tacic ae d crucial time Everyone knew the eviction was imminent.
Right to Work campaign leaders disdain.
CE TO IHL I CBC CHEuiCcE ing unions. Instead, they thought up publicity gimmicks like taking Staffa workers to Tebbit's home in *On your Bike' demo. Party, This was crucial. I both bossibld necessary to develop campaigh to force Bryan Magee to change his mind Indeed, the work that was done on this front by the stewards in colaboration Socialist Challenge witnessed success. Magee's about-face to demand the withdrawal of we sain grane was aupor tant because victories in such a campaign are the sort of development which would have inspired confidence in the inactive maJority.
Instead of winning the activists to involvement in the Right to Work campaign it was necessary to go on a big campaign to invoive the of strikers. It the Labour Party and trade union leaders that the majority looks.
Win It was vital to force such elements to back the fight as a way of winning "silent majority". As every Soieid knows, the middle ground behind the has secured in order to achieve This elementary point was not understood Staffa battle over. But the war against necessary to that the other learn the groups of, workers don't fall into similar mistakes The active minority of responsibility to the rest of have SUIAC the working class.
have to go into to win them back the members They have the responsibiiParty to go into the strengthen the battle of the left to get a leadership which responds to their needs.
Then, those like the 31 Staffa workers who voted dispute to con tinue, will find themselves in a minority.
Then they can go on he win.