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the murder of untold critical position towards name the Shah'.
needs sayıng, and saying very clearly, counterrevolutionary regime and has been so since it came to power after the overthrow of the Shah.
The CIA would, undoubiedly, like to have a powe. which is more compliant Americar hnoe asto but they would find it diflcull to get a more rightwing government Khomeini, even capitalism is the work of the Great Satan but he does not want to go forward to socialism but Valkwaru medieaval Islamic state. It is indeed a tragedy that it should have taken numbers of Iranian revolutionaries for Socialist Challenge to take the Khomeini regime (editorial statement, 8 October). Even now it hesitates to call things by their right That is counterrevolution by name you want to call it.
Ailu. , wilaiever ine subective desires of the Mullahs, obiectivelv are pre paring the way for renewHnoenarsı intervention.
Instead of calling, the editorial now does, an independent class line, 'the creation of organisaluls wicn Monitse the workers, but which break with bourgeois politicians every stripe...?'. the USEC Resolution • Ot 28 July, 1980 stated. *large numbers of Persian (sic) masses view Khomeini as a political leader who symbolise their hatred for the Shah and his dictatorship islam became and remains Through this Shi-ite the vehicle for the movemenis ana surugeiesor dl their social and demanos.
Should Marxists, have known what. the now stares that would be incapable of fulfilling the historic needs of the Iranian masses. Should we not, as Lenin did in his April Thesis after the reoruary Revolution Russia, have made it clear Loc aan workers ao Ievoluiluli allu about to build party could give the which the task of preparing this revolution required!
'The history of a revolution is for us first of all a history of the forcible entrance of the masses into the realm of rulership over Incil own destinv' (Trotsky, Preface to History of the Russian Revolution). This ABC of revolutionary Marxism completely Iwd. forgotțen in previous SC alldiysis the Iranian Revolution.
Instead of mobilising the Iranian masses for the overthrow of the regime of Khomeini/Bani-Sadr; instead supporting the Kurds in their struggle for self-determination the sections of the Fi called for the defence of this monstrous regime against LIIC coldt obnoxious Hussein dictatorship Iraq Khomeini, however, knew where the real threat to his regime came and it was not from Baghdad or even Washington. A large section of his army - and it is largely the same army which served the Shah - has been engaged the genocidal people of Wal Kurdistan against His 'revolutionary guards' have killed more Iranian, Kurdish and other revolutionaries than they have Iraqui soldiers!
It is the elementary duty of Marxists now to seek the greatest unity of all the revoluuollary wand especialiy with forces The Kurdish freedom righters ana une Miujanaain do no:
evel aarce witl the melnods they employ.
Individual acts of terrorism are weapons but we are on the Sallc Suc s tc teronsi We must win them to pro.
elandl revoluuonar politics through united ITOL acuions agallisl inc terrorism of the and for its overthrow We must convince the Mujahadin that they must break with the Bani-Sadrs assembly, chosen through free elections, while at the same time strengthening the porcltla organs workers programme must include the immediate and unconditional right to selt determination for all the oppressed nationalities Iran; no support for the war between Bonapartist states Iran and Iraq; fraternisation on the front; turn the war or both sides of the border into a civil war!
CHARLIE VAN GELDEREN, NW LONDON We reply: We strongly disagree Charlie' letter which totally underestimates the anti-imperialist dynamic opened up by the Further, no section of the Fl ever gave political support to the Khomeini
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the Khomeini regime is condemned because it 'has proved chronically incapable of stabilising the economy since the overthrow of
but we must sapport the demand for a constituent