support', but allalyst. caulalll. not directly call for mass action of the working class.
In our view this is a travesty of the role working class leaders should play.
To to workers faced Say a ith Tory attacks and mass :edundancy: 'Do your own :hing, if you take action wel The movement has to be given a • ead about what kind of action can actually defeat the ruling Workers in a factory faced with redundancy are much less likely to take militant action such as occupying if no one else in tne country will lake Silllla. action. The Labour Party and the trade unions can play an invaluable role generalising and popularising the most rective means of struggle.
No one, of course, should order a group of workers into They will only take mass action if they are convinced that this is the best way forward. But if the Labour leaders were golng arouna une country hammering home the case for suca achon. of militants who want to fight, who want to mobilise against Tories, would be immeasurably strengthened.
It is the working class which Slave the and sovereignty — not parliament.
main in the hands the capitalist state — even one with CERLEC is to but the power oi life or death into the hands of Winning socialism Tonv Benn's suspicion of mass working class action the. decisive socialist advance is reflected in DOS LOIS how about winning socialism.
First, is extremely reticent about nationalising the banks and the Iinance houses the first crucial government committed socialist change would have to take.
good that he supports Clause 4 of the Labour Party constitution, which pledges control the commanding heights of the economy.
But then he says 'the experience of office will create the demand Socialist Challenge 4 June 1981 Page 10 overwhelming impresson is unat ne consucis mal une nationalisation of the decisive sectors of process But this would be a aisastrous strategy full employment and to plan ine economy it is necessary to have control of industry and finance from the beginning.
The ruling Cas multinationals would take advallace ol any de d their continued control economy lo sabolage ine altions left Capital would flee the country; an investment strike would take place. the multinationals would transfer production to SOCI COULCS. societies and the banks would refuse finance for investment.
More importantly, all these forces would use any hint of delay to launch a tremendous de-stabilise the government and try to overthrow it.
build mass popular support — as Chile showed make Sure working class in terms of rising the living standards and equality were registered rapidly. It would imply a strategy of centring power in the hands of the workers organisations The view that it's the role of the workers to take action and the task of the Labour Party simply to support them classic repetition ot the old industrial/political division that has plagued the movement.
other counines workers parties often organise directly in the factories not in Britain? Together with unions, the Labour Party could set out a programme of action to mobilise ment against the Tories. of go Industrial action to bring down the Tories Tony Benn argues fully against industrial to to bring down the Tories. He says that it would amount to a 'coup' and that we have to rely on persuasion and port' The implication is that we should wait for the general election in 1984. interpositien. ff il were se counterposition. threaten the Tories, a wave of and the USE government.
other ane ouelle to keeD and would be to the more is a industrial strike acton, polentially leading to a general strike, would the thousands of workers. It would have to draw in would rapidly advance in such dynamic carried out by a small minority the movewave of almost unprecedented Workers, resuling in crushing millions upon millions defeats in the county council date carry destruction of British industry forceand mass unemployment. They action have no mandate to rule.
Benn's argument is tively that industrial action used tor political ends challenges Mass sup the norms of the political game, the rules of democracy. up a false point that the ruling class does ROL and bosses' 'rules?
In Tony millions more becomes constitution situation. This machine. ATON perience, tiago, has The Tories are now facing a They are hated socialist the battle against of the laws They have no manon the Unless taken, the fice confusion effecright wing. parliamentary weaknesses.
But he himself makes the primany rely. on parla Saltley Gate in the '72 'Workers have to rely on tneir own organis ation; lett: The movement has to be given a lead'; below: imoor contros i ac. tion - American workers wreck a varanese cor, nont Polaris -be no socialism in alliance with imperialism. should the workers abide by the paratus.
Benn's account, the mobilisation of the workers subordinate to the the — the ruling class' Bitter exfrom Saltley to Sanshown that the workers have to rely on their own organisation to carry out ment measures, be they in the Tories In now or in the implementation of socialist such action WCC 'experience of ofwould create alienation, and disorganisation against in the workers' movement and give the initiative back to the Tony Benn's arguments on major In the Socialist Challenge pointed out that any left goyernment trying which, to carly vul soclalis nicasure.
'There can would inevitably face a showdown with the existing state apTony Benn says this means inevitability violence, and if he believed that he would give up politics and 'drill with a rifle in the fields'. He counterposes "mass public support' for a 'determined' socialist governThis scenario gets everything upside down.
Chile in 1973. the Allende government undoubtedly had mass public support. Just eight days before the coup, a demonstration of 1½ million workers took place in Santiago support reaction. But despite this mass support, the government was easilv overthrown D' the armed forces.
For revolutionary socialists, the inevitability of showdown with the ruling class directly through its control of as Benn says, rules decisive (army police, courts, monopolies) and not just through parliament means that the workers must be prepared beforehand for this Tony Benn says he : would action restore democracy But by then 1 against millary coup would be too late.
Preparing tor a contronta tion means organising workers factories righi the beginning It means the police force the army, the courts, and the civil service. If this is not done inese institutions will obstruct socialist advance every inch o the way And it means organising the workers to resist any attempted with force if necessary CUUU as an integral part of socialist surditoy 'decisive confrontation' doesn't necessarily massive violence. In Brtain the armed and DICO
NATO and nuclear weapons Nothing.
right-wing in Tony Benn's argumentation is more illogical blacks and Obviously there are. But that misses the point.
These sections of society are structurally discriminated SOCIALIST CHALLENGE