week's academic economists that the government's monetarist disaster for Britain illustrated the extent to which the monetarist 'hards' in the cabinet are isolated.
Even the bourgeois commentators are criticising their deflationary zeal, and pointing out that spending for investment need not be inflationary.
Some of the points made by these commentators can easily be agreed by socialists millions unemployed, when the railways need electrification, when modern factories, and building.
But many of the government's non-socialist critics are missing the point, as they recoil at the effects of the recession and run for cover. tionary policies aren't just an economic experiment, as everyone Healey to Len Murray would have it but above all a political strategy. Thatcher and Howe aren't just using to 'shake out' unproductive and reduce inflation, but also to deal a massive blow to the labour movement.
They want to though the insecurity unemployment, and hence undermine the militancy and strength of the unions. Critics of this approach say that mass unemployment is incompatible with reducing inflation in a 'modern' state, because of the scale of social security payments.
The Tories have their own answer to this - they understand only too well that the full impact of unemployment won't be felt without attacking social security benefits. these attacks is now on the way in the shape OT the proposals money and benefits for strikers' depenThis vicious assault on benefits is just the tip of the iceberg we can be sure that further cuts are on the way. more important than gaining a wage increase or fighting for better conditions and shorter priest Milton Friedman nicely caught this mood recently mented: 'If a single job has many applicants then it's paid too highly'.
Nobody has any confidence that the present recession next year. But if the recession, with its accompanying attacks on workers' living standards, can push down the price of labour far enough, then the basis of profitable investment and decolopment stillo e ay off world recovery represent at least a partial success for the Tory strategy.
Samuel Brittan, commenting in the Financial Times, said of the academics' attack on monetarism, these academic demos add to the gaiety of life'. But the academic debates, shouldn't blind us monetarist strategy isn't just an periment but an attempt to crush the lives of real people.
Thatcher, Josepli and Howe accept this as a necessary lubricant in the running their system. No better proof of :na: system's insanity could exist. declaration by policies were respectable of - that it is ludicrous to have schools need The Tories' deflaDenis unemployment industry, force down wages created by organisational The first round of to tax dole workers' So keeping a job will become Monetarist high when comwill end within the partial created.
however gay, … to the fact that 'exSenior shop stewaro. Rover Solihull AS unemployment climbs steadily, the working class is looking increasingly to the labour leaders at national level to develop a fightback.
There were large turn. Import controls the slogan of public works, the slogan of a sliding scale of hours.
The first step towards that in today's conditions must be for a 35-hour week.
Every major union in balaln adopted policies in favour of the 35-hour week, bul none has led a serious fight for this demand
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no answer to job loss