fall into three main types.
trade unions, The best.
MOST to divide thisayalt The duvallare mentary party, albeit insufficiently jective.
Reselection of MPs movement's collaborating terests.
ference decisions this. anxious terests of capitalism. Loyalty They public TSHS mean?
leadership battle, have championed a one vote' system because terests.
ple who argued should be tree be best as are arquing The answer capitalist those people. methods: an electoral college The electoral college proposals are those which give the main say to the trade unions. Those which divide the vote equally between constituency ties, and the parliamentary party, and those which give the major sovo me recenter carto '40-30-30' formula, giving ne loue nous le bouest sovi It is also the single although more trade union votes support the NEC third-third-third proposal unions the most say is that it tilts the balance away from the parliaano weakens the power of MPs. This must be our main oband right to elect Labour leader is part of the fight to break the Labour Party leadership bosses and defending their inThe Gang of Three and their supporters want to ignore conunilateral and withdrawal from the EEC are two examples of They are not only willing but overturn democratic decisions of the rank and file in order to preserve the inclaim their loyalty opinion' own consciences, but what does naving TOSH reselection argument and given that they are now likely to lose the the right wing 'one personresponds most closely to their inLine rigat wing — tne very peo that of and that only MPs know who will now completely turned about and that everyone in the changed their minds? they haven't.
What they are advocating could well turn into a system or contu sion and even corruption, where anvone can loin the party in order to influence the choice of leader • and where they are in the best position, with the support of the media, to influence There councillor pargiving the the 1Ke was restricted, the of Commons'.
Labour cabinets Tene lies and whose their 'public the Party activists. it coroff about •oscene pleading have he's just taken Grenfell the former people democracy For a vote for Southwark Labour This system benefits David Owen and Williams because it removes the power from the hands of the people thev most tear, the beoole in the best position to assess and democratically control their performance: the party activists.
As long as the alie the Times called 'the great decisions Wert LaKer Cabinet Room and the House of leaders were accountable -service formulates their iture. These are the arms expenditure.
whose opinion the right wing take account of.
the workers, nor of the unemployed; it isn't even the opinion of Labour To hear MP Bill Rodgers sound This conscience thusiasm for NATO and nuclear To hear for incomes (which means a wages freeze!) is a sick joke when we learn that already-enormous EEC pension.
Dr Owen, stalwart defender and Williams, who includes Reg Prentice in the manv dubious she has espoused - these are the who claim The fight for democracy within the Labour Party and the unions is peobie Shirley party democracy on right were trom Sundav ...it une and their whose civil choices actermines opinion run Rov Jenkins policy a part-time lob Shirley causes defend on
Labour Movement by Richard Taylor between 1958 and 1965.
were debated in discusses CND and the labour movement.
THE CHALLENGE FACING US IN 1981 The Peace Makers and the LAST week JULIAN ATKINSON began a threepart review of the new book The Protest Makers and Colin Pritchard (Pergamon Press, £10) which discusses in detail the successes and failures of CND's first wave The first article was an overview of the different strategies for winning the campaign that CND. The authors of The Protest Makers argue that there possibility of CND winning the labour movement to its ideas in the '50s and '60s. One of the key factors in this, they maintain, was defection of Bevan, the only alternative leader the left possessed.
Toash the queston. lt to approach the question. mol a issue or predicuon bul Wadl gessons trom the way in which CND dealt with the labour move. ment and what is the likel response of the Labour lefts of today.
never systematic strategy the labour Julian was certainly no campaign aimed at the factories and the rank and file was any the Do Best end there was and can learn Labobis Adas sey Copi tee autumn of 1958 and comprislike Frank Beswick MP had any John Horner towards Brigades Union.
not used to the movement sere consistent campaigning of the CND. To be less than kind, their major experience had been politickAneuran Bevan with Harold Wilson was set un the right ed left MPs and union leaders and the Fire view They were Illas. tance movement sulalegy figures of COIt smith.
ing in little rooms during the Bevanite revolt and then bebomb. ing thrashed by Gaitskell and Plan Mikardo expresses the blinkered view of much of the Labour left when, in an interTaylor and Pritchard, he dismisses the impor- such CND as a mass as against the of winning key in the organised labour movement:
'Another 10,000 or 20,000 or 50,000 non-political people don't compensate for the loss those who can exert political pressure at the point of action CND's work in the unions was sketchy. Far more was by pacistcontrolled Direct Action collice whose spokesperson was Pat ArrowThe aim of the DAC, a few local CND trade union committees and, later, the in. dustrial sub-committee of the Committee ot 100 was to popularise and agitate for in dustrial action against the In 1962, the CND conference passed a resolution, in opposition to Michael Foot and the rest of the executive, for a campaign in favour of action. The EC refused to implement the policy and Arrowsmith and vichaer con resigned Some industrial action did
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ference. every party member.
The 24 January special conference won't have the chance to vote for such a proposal. Instead it will have to choose between two