economic crisis a head-on capital and labour Our between is why we movement needs charter for jobs to spell out the the against unemployment, including a women's right to work and the nationalisation of all the facts companies creating unemploysuccesful осcupation gives a vital lead in the battle. Occupations go togethe with the demand for takeovers produced - a central part of a strategy to Statistics' fight the ravages of unemploy- the 1980 ment. The lessons of Gardner's Department need to be learnt and acted on throughout the labour moveAt the moment the defence recitions standards centres for the firefighters is the first step along the road to win the Disaster demand which guarantees the living standards - an automatic inThe so strolly for every rise in inflation-proof protect our hospitals and schools from the to Cruise policy.
The struggle to implement depends the 35-hour week and to build the movement to smash the 6 per cent requires the active par- austrated than ticipation of the whole of the movement. Clearly Besides the desire for a fight on jobs and wages is growing, but such a mood is not reflected in the leadership of the movement. TUC to lead the battle on these The sort of struggle we need LOI.
ENTS COUl savage social system will lead usdirectly to the doors of the Tory Thatcher and co are organising and implemenprogramme TOT the class. All social ad. progress on any substantial issue will end up the Tory road At the same time, precise because the stakes are so big will final Thai must prepare for a general strike to bring down the Where we got THE figures used in this arti cle are mainly drawn from The Su so ton or Nation:
Expenditure the Centra Statistics Office: 'Financia CSO 1980; and Labour Research two tables appeare n the May and August 198 The journa Labour Research. Additiona material came the Glynn and harrison bool Economic This movement, to prepare for a showdown between the wish she struggle for will go hand in hand genuine socialist policies. The platform Labour left contains much that we can agree on. can fight together in opposition and Trident, and But ultimately their strategy on the idea that capitalism can be reformed. No where is this more clearly il around their supposites me concuss in the obvious ference that it is 'foreigners who are m some way to due for the crisis of capitalism - an idea which feeds racism in the controls don't work. First they raise prices; British firms WILLOUL CULLIC wouk be lower workers' living standards.
text of the '30s, it is doubtful whether such controls would ASE TORERO massive and brutal retaliation.
Thirdly, the idea that workers in Britain have anything to gain by an alliance with their bosses, in a common battle against foreign goods, completely disarms them in the face absolutely confrontation that will take place with those same bosses on all the questions of basic rights.
What is the alternative?
We need a labour move ment plan om the take ver of economy capitalists who have done s much to wreck the standards o life and welfare of the workers of Britain. Such a plan would the hidden wealth and speculation Such a plan must end up the absolutely necessary conclusion of nationalisation banks, finance houses, and all the commanding heights of the economy, under work. ers' control, and implies an all out assault on the power and I would be the pr the programn of a genuine workers' government leading the class on which it was based, and from which it drew its strength, in a battle for a socialist Britain.
Socialist Challenge 27 November 1980 Page 9