IMGpapers 1980–83

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1980–83

The case for the H Block h

Socialist Challenge No. 169, 23 October 1980 · p. 14 of the scan · 868 words

The scan: sc-n169-oct-23-1980.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-7 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 14 of the scan

THE most obvious question that springs to mind concerning the declaration of the hunger strike by the 'blanket' prisoners of Long Kesh is what hor. rendous circumstances could possibly nearly people declare their willingness to take such action?

One version, that favoured by the British media, is that the hunger sinike was an 'order' from the leadership of the Provisional Republican movement. This is far from being the case.

Discourage As the Irish Times reported on 11 October, were opposed to the idea of a hunger strike'. A spokesperson for Provisional Sinn Fein was quoted:

'We have tried with some success to discourage the idea hunger strike... We feel totaly madequate in regard to influencing the men and we have tried everything possible to stop them.

'But after what they have gone through they have been eft with no alternative but to use the last weapon — a hunger strike to the death.' The important phrase here they have through'. The story begins in 1972.

This was when Conservative recognised the peculiar cumstances of those in prison 1Or Cans comet me e political situation in the north force of Ireland and prisoners 'special to status'. This meant that the prisoners were allowed to wear heir own clothes, and organise their own recreation and education.

Why did the Tories agree to 'special category'?

CUSSION weene dine time of another hunger strike by the Republican prisoners in Belfast's Crumlin Road prison.

luis hunger sunke was accompanied by wide-scale street which emphasised the popular support, and tense teeling behind that support, for the demands. But the granting of 'special category' both kepublican and Loyalist prisoners — was also logical.

Survey For whatever reason they were in prison — be it military activity, street rioting, because their Republican sympathies led to their being framed for crimes they did not com- those 'crimes' arose out of the political conflict which first came to the fore during the gone civil rights campaign in the view that those 'special category' crime: be treated the then dinary criminals' government Society cir- 'But a study of the background and records of the 467 defendants who Calle courts on terrorist charges in the first half of 1975 certainly category casts doubt view.' mix freely, Troubles The survey went on to detai that a majority of the Catholic First the so convicted had no previous employment; and that 83 cent OI Catholics were under 25, compared to 50 per cent of those convicted for ordinary crimes in England and the in- Wales during the same period other prisoners' were the crimes of those afford given to ed substantially different, special calegory too were the type of people who "were convicted. worker quoted said: "But for the troubles these young men would not not have been in court.

It was the acceptance of the validity of such opinions, back. ea as iney evidence, they were by conditions, which granting special SLalls sound rationality.

convicted of 'can prison like orcommented:

before the on this official per convicted , but so As a social in new Society were by statistical and substantiated as existing political gave the category basis in number of restrictions are placed on the rights of the suspect which do not apply in In practice anyone arrested under section 11 of the Act can be held completely incommunicado for 72 hours. There is no right, as is normally the case, to see a doc. tor or solicitor. An arrested person is not entitled to make a phone call or receive clothing or cigarettes.

If the police want to keep someone longer than 72 hours then he or she will be arrested under section 12 of the EPA and after 48 hours in custody a five-day extenConditions Further, if a person is charged with any of the 'terrorist offences' outlined in the EPA, he or she can only apply for bail before a High Court judge and must meet very stringent conditions.

The Crown may tell the judge that, for example, the police believe the accused is a member of the IRA. No reasons have to be given to the judge as to the basis of this up to 18 against them are dropped.

Internment nocence rather than as is guilt belief and there have been many instanc where people have been held in remand f months and then all charg What is operating here is, in effect, form of internment without trial.

if the accused is eventually brought trail an extraordinary set of again apply. For example, triais are co ducted without a jury and by one judge si ting alone. Also in cases where possessic of weapons or explosives is alleged, ti accused is obliged to prove his or her i 'normally ti case the Crown being obliged to pron Thirdly in cases where the Crown relic wholly or partly on an alleged confessio such a confession has to be shown to hat been obtained by torture to be ruled ina missible. Under normal law a confession ruled inadmissible if it is shown that th accused has been subject to the slighte

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criminal record; that a majority of all those convicted were in

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