IMGpapers 1980–83

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1980–83

FOR SOCIALISM

Socialist Challenge No. 159, 7 August 1980 · p. 4 of the scan · 788 words

The scan: sc-n159-aug-07-1980.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 4-5 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 4 of the scan

POST Office engineers on the march for the shorter working week in 1978. Today the fight for control of the Post Office itself has to start.

'monetarism'. What this term sums up is a historie regression to economic policies and theories of the late 19th It is an admission that present capitalist sociewall longer even mass unemployment, and the destruction of the welfare state.

anatener's monermsm sase o ordes contred on the creation of mass unemployment to make the working class pay for the capitanst economic system. It Is nung tal tae high priest of this creed -Milton Friedman viser to the butchers of the Chilean working class.

The basic idea of monetarism is that governpost-war governments dedicated to 'Keynesianism'.

Credit Keynesianism is a policy of managing demand in such a way as to ameliorate the effects of the governments extended credit to the bosses, so that profits could be made by OEU Westminster branci THE Post Office Board is not made up of people who are likely to be sympathetic to the needs of ordinary working people. The Chairperson of the Board now earns £53,000 a year, while other full-time Board members earn around £40,000 a That doesn't include all the fringe benefits.

People who move in & such a luxurious rarified atmosphere as the a top PO managers have more ¿ in counterparts in private industry, although from more humble beginnings.

However, most of them can't evelliam Barlow, the PO Chairper- that distinction. son, is currently the director of at least six other role al tnc done almost 20 years as a manager . of English promise slashed living standards crisis : Nobel prize winner — is also the chief economic advery simply, mobilising anda their t they MONETARISM?

utilised capacity.

This policy was the price the capitalist class was pesca lo bay to safeguard their system against a working class that refused to go through another period like the '30s, and the horrors of fascism and the Second World War Today the bosses are faced with powerful from off-loading the crisis of the system onto the backs of the working class at the level they need if pansion basis. They have been unable to overcome the falling rate of profit.

So 'Torv governments, starting with Heath in 1970, set themselves the task of breaking the the trade union especiary une snoo stewaros oriansator Thatcher learned from Heath was that this can't be done through the use of legislation or political appeals alone. Suas to smacce me amons comes policies and political attacks only work if a materal threat is created to union strength - th of government policy.

SIOn developed by sucessive which prevents them Labour.

IBUYCAICHA to such vicious policies policy is working.

They that could be made b weapon of mass unemployment. What is new and specific to Thatcherism is the use of unemployment as a deliberate and most fundamental tenet Thatcher's policies haven't created the recesbul ley nave achoeralely made lt worsc She has abandoned many of the instruments post-war governments that have prevented the full effects of the reces sion from creating a reserve army of labour. This is the coherence of the whole of Thatcher's inter- cach тоттену pionecica D)

No-one knows how high unemployment levels might have to go to have the hoped-for effect. June alone unemployment levels have leapt by 20 per cent (on official figures from 1.6m to 1.8m)

It is the possible response or une working clas.

Is which is creating all the nervous talk about U-turn just now. Only th most tentative evidence exists to support that the them.

to do with defence of free collective bargaining the last election were confused into thinking.

strongest detachments.

ing it vallall unemployment weapon dominates instead.

Demands ing maustries.

They are in favour of making the high ideals summed up by 'monetarism' ENGINEERS CAVENDISH that the revolt of the working class will engulf Her opposition to incomes policy has nothing as many skilled workers who voted for the Tories Thatcher's opinion incomes policy will not work without first severely weakening the class, but it also gives a focus for unifying the class behind the This is how the weakly organised bush for their demands. Her opposition is not to incomes policy as such, but to mak.

central instrument of policy. . In the oi monetarism, the For all the talk of Tony Benn and his co.

• They are not in favour of giving up the core of their British-based wealth producquite con siderable sacrifices it the result is a defeat for the working class and a decisive weakening of its organisation. Removed of all its verbiage such are , HAPPY

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