THE leaders of the national liberation struggle in Vietnam always recognised the importance of a broad-based movement against the war developed in the Imperialist heartland itself.
They did not find pointless or impossible to build a troops out movement in spite of widespread support in America for the war - including among the Vietnam The Vietnamese always appealed for unity in action among the various antiwar organisations in America.
Xuan Thuy, ambassador to the Paris peace talks, put it like 'Facing the serious situation as it presents itself now, I upon the progressive American people and all antiwar organisations in the United closely, associate all forces and strata of the population irrespective of their skin colour, religion and political trend, thus making a united and strong movement so as to curb in time new military adventures by the US ministration, to demand an end to their war of aggression South Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, 'demand withdrawal' of all Ametican troops from Indochina and let their own intern peopat settle the Indochina The principle is that an antiwar movement in an imperialist country must broadest possible forces behind being the basic demands of 'troops out' and 'self-determination'. The stress of the American it anti-war movement was always on action, rather than, for example, working gress.
So there were demonstrations against the war over a number of years, such as the 800,000 who 1971. were protests. _icach-ins, mass mobilisations down the country throughout leaders the war, expecially draft was introduced.
This movement main principles. First it had a non-exclusionary line, in other words anyone who supported the basic demands was free to participate.
issue campaign, which did not include in its programme points on broader political issues. If these principles plied in Britain what is ad- result?
If the Young Liberals or Cyril Smith or a number and Labour MPs say 'troops out of the but take reactionary positions. 'on other issues, clearly this conflict îs their problem and not that of activists in the troops out movement, long as their actions help in some way to build a troops out the movement.
building an anti-war movement in a hostile situation of making politically Republicans like to see in Con- thousands marching calling huge withdrawal of British troops on principled, marched in basis.
There Protest and and But it may after the based on nad two and chauvinist sentiment. This would Daily vocating. sense this could result in action against British interest.s While a progressive anti-imperialist movement would be the more Republicans cannot ignore the prospect of a movement saying "troops OUL chauvinist reasons ("let the Irish the sort themselves out').
Protest action
wanted, no matter of basis. However, movement the radicals should,. of course, then war.
The so America It is always the danger in factional. would obviously hundreds streets. through for the war, mainly anti-imperialist students unIons, against the war.
well be more for bulaing British self-interest seem to be what the has been ad. In a purely objective unwittingly councis and unions. gnorant welcome, _ own situation here.
is what is the within this.. flexible approach try to educate people baised... around the issues raised, in the -principles. ?*/ exclusiontry and-sin trade unions in mainly favourable to the war in Vietдат. This was basically on a pro-imperialist basis, and purely for self-interest because the war meant more jobs. Building workers in New York, the 'hard hats, even violently attacked anti-war demonstrations in the Gradually, the building of a mass movement against the • supported by black people, turned the tide in the trade and many came out In Britain, it would seem the situation is more favourable "troops • out' movement within the organised labour movement. Support for the Chile Solidarity Campaign (set up after the bloody military coup in 1973) was, for example, quite widespread among trades On ireland, most trade unionists seem to be not so much hostile as ignorant of the It is for those active in the troops out movement to decide themselves how best to pursue their activity. But the prospects look good, if a principled yet adopted, the in that country against the wishes of the majority of the Irish people, as they are against the wishes of the majority of the Irish people today.
'Throughout those 800 years, every generation has produc ed Irishmen and women who have been prepared to assert the right of their nation to national freedom 'And every time they have done that they have been me with the brute force of British imperialism.
'The irony is that Ireland was Britain's first colony and is Britain's last colony, while the institutions which were built up to hold Ireland in submission were institutions that have been systematicaily used against the working class of this country...
'What is being done in Northern Ireland is being done in the name of the British people, in the name of the millions who go day in, day out, to factories, who create the real wealth that we see about as.
"While there are troops in Northern Ireland and while there is a system in this country which supports them there, the working class will never be free.
"The campaign to get the troops out of Ireland is a blow against British imperialism, is a blow against the British ruliny class in this country, is a blow for the Irish working class, and their natural ally, the British working class.
Mike Cooley, former president AUEW/TASS, 1975 "The way forward clearly lies in united working class struggic But that kind of unity of action cannot be built on a situation where a whole layer of the working class is given certain privileges — the best jobs, education and homes — and where that privilege is backed by the forces of the sectarian statelet.
"A united struggle of the working class can only devełop when that situation is no longer possible. When the Orange state is dismantled, then and only then can a realistic dialogue leading to united action develop....
In a sentence, the presence of the troops perpetuates th divisions of the trist working class:
Phil Flynn, ment and Pablic Services Union, 1976. deputy general secretary, Local Gove "sotialist Challenge- 19 June 1930 : piage 11
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Programme Secondly, it was a single-
likely that a 'Bring the Boys Home' movement will develop