IN HIS against the revolutionary left, Tony Benn emphasised his belief in Parliament as the main road to socialism. Rightly so, since that is where the fundamental disagreement lies. But it is simply Benn's parliamentarism which will determine-the importance of him and his supporters for socialism in the 1980s.
It is the encouragement which Tony Benn gives workers' shop floor itiatives which is the main source of his appeal to active trade unionists; plus the fact that he combines this with a strategy to overthrow the right-wing leadership of the Labour Party, and very much more discreetly, of the unions.
Few left Labour leaders in the past would have made speeches calling for a more political trade unionism, as Benn did in his Granada lecture a few weeks ago; nor would they have admitted that Parliament cannot carry through socialist policies alone as Benn did in 1971, inspired by the struggle of the UCS workers: Power "The changes we contemplate cannot be made by parliamentary action along. It requires the active work of the industrial movement. These men (the UCS workers) are fighting to survive because they have no alternative. generating a new leadership at shop floor level and above. They are creating a climate not only to carry Labour to power, but to sustain us as we carry through the changes which they know need to be made.
What is the likely effect of this support for shopfloor struggles? What are its limits? How far do the Labour left's policies in fact lead to a more political trade unionism and of what sort? To answer these questions it is necessary to look at the Labour left's industrial policies.
Though Benn and others give support to many different struggles, it is to their policies for a future Labour government that we must look in order to understand their view of the relation oerwcen ponncal power ana workers industrial organisations.
Take the two main proposals in their industrial policies: the expansion and strengthening of the National Enterprise Board, and the strengthening oi. planning AUCH GI compulsory powers and a tripartite basis -that is, an involvement of the trade unions as well as government and management.
Government The most important assumption these policies is that it is the government which will have the power to take over profitable •hikte concor os cuo anoose socioode on the rest of private industry. organisations will play a subordinate back ug role, feeding in their own plans and proposal. to give detailed content to the government's priorities.
A look at what happened when Benn was at the head of the Department of Industry from February 1974 until his sacking in June 1975 will illustrate the type of relationship between Societa Chalets tan nemo Socialet Chällenge, L2 June iSMO Hilary Wainwright When the government took over the Alfred Herbert machine-tool company, for instance, Benn had regular discussions with the shop stewards - much to the displeasure of the executive of the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions, discussions should be Confed. Benn draw up their own plans, to discuss them with management, and then They are government.
Workers Similarly on Tyneside, Benn encouraged multinationals to draw up plans for industrial democracy in their companies. When some of 'What should we do if management refuses to implement these plans?', the answer was that they should bring the plans to the The point about these and many other examoes is that thouch the labour Lett's industrial policies provide a role for workers' initiatives and ideas, they are not based on the idea that workers organisations will have to exercise any power themselves.
This feature of Benn's industrial policies helps us to answer a central question in relation to a Labour government: Why, when Wilson, the CBI, and the Civil Service had sabotaged the Labour Party's industrial policies, sacked Benn, and turned the NEB into a commercial merchant bank, was there no resistance from the trade unionists who had put so much faith in Benn and his industrial policies?
Basic Workers' Of course, part of the explanation lies with the TUC leadership, its reluctance to rock the boat, and its pressure of prevent anyone else, Benn included, shortage of Benn's policies. The policies certainly had a But because of the very limited and. contained role that the policies workers orgapisations, 'they, tid, hot prenatet" Tease port from individual ministers, Industry Department. Repeat again, even present policy document which felt thạt such conducted via the encouraged the stewards to bring them to the CYClI parliamentary to take action themselves. ' Politicians recognises that a left Labour government, power and confidence. goes on: Agree from doing so. But there was and file support ¡before company policy is decided.".
battla a iclocs Valerie Coultas and Phil Hearse IT IS appropriate that a great ideological ferment is going on socialism as the While open warfare has Labour Party, the far left is going through an important recomposition and debate.
•a a number or sides mie relevance orymne to build a new socialist party on the Leninist model is being challenged. Many comrades Dest Carce on SOCUISI HOW by renewing it, campaigning party, winning it to left-wing Iliass, policies, or splittng Il For many people it isn't the desirability of an alternative socialist party, Leninism in the '80s?
1980s get underway. SLOERIE which erupted in the CLISI believe that the Inou Lac building it into a extensye but the possibility of its revolutionary policy.
Its whole ideology, the strength of its established bureaucracy, and its methods of organisation prewould split a long time DOCe wo OuLe IICW is based on a revolutionary Neither the Labour Party, nor any knitting together 'movements' can substitute for such a party Yet can such an alternative party really be built?
is entering economically and politically. 'workers will be radica lised by unemployment. talling living standards, and the threat of war.
Any argument which says that there won't be an capitalism will be able to solve its problems without a salol fact massive crisis. But not even the bourgeoisie believe mieresio cuss. orural lis sculle Delcr before revolu.
party is needed perspective.
a truly momentous Millions saying that