These developments have placed question mark over economic plan approved December. At that time it seemed that a choice had been made to maintain the basic economic status quo in 1980. The alliance the anti-Somoza bourgeoisie would continue, based on the hope of reaching economic agreements not only the Latin-American bourgeoisies and the European capitalist countries, but also with US imperialism itself.
This implied an intensification of the productive effort of the working class. Wage increases were ruled out because the FSLN leadership agreed that they could only stimulate inflationary pressure in that sort of situation.
The first upset came at the end of February. The biggest wave of strikes and workers' mobilisations place since the victory of the insurrection. The centre of the conflicts was the Fabritex factory, employing just under a thousand workers Here the workers had strike for wage increases of up to 100 per cent, better working conditions, and the organisation of a canteen. Their union, the CAUS (Committee of Trade Union Action and Unity), is led by the PCN, Moscow Communist parties.
As a result of a solidarity appeal another 20 factories joined the strike, paralysing a large section of industry other factories such as Caracol and Polymer responded to the sabotage and obstruction of the bosses bv occupying their plants and starting up production themselves. And countryside there were new land occupations by the peasants - although oniv on a limited scale.
Another factor in the situation was ine decapilansanon being carried out both industry agriculture. Companies liquidated, production cut, machinery sold Wistence abroad, capital exported by various dubious means. It is ditticult to estimate the extent of these operations, but their significance has been stressed in official statements. A decisive test will come next month with the cotton planting, and there are indications here already.
took gone on of the proIn the overthrow and were being and La representative, engagements worrying Tomas Borge, army chief, at International Womens Day rally NINE MONTHS after the revolutionary US-backed Somoza, Nicaragua has reached a turning point. The US Senate's blocking of a $75m loan at the beginning of March has been followed by the visit of a top-level FSLN A third significant event was demonstration organised by the small" shopkeepers in Managua on 9 March.
The junta was invited but did not send pleading previous The aim of the demonstration was to protest against price controls and particularly the role of ENABAS, the state body which exercises these conadopt dictator trols and is also responsible for the i: buying and selling of certain basic products. The gathering went so far as to threaten not to apply the official guidelines from the following day (though in practice this threat does not seem to have been carried out).
A week later came the demonstration organised by bourgeois the (Nicaraguan Democratic Movement), won iced behind its leaders Alfonso Robelo, then a member of the junta. Robelo's speech was a sort of manifesto for the bourgeoisie, reaffirming the need for a mixed economy and setting the aim of the MDN as the 'conquest of power by popular vote', the meaningful summoning of the Council of State and the calling of elections. According to Robelo, these could be achieved within the existing framework of national unity.
All these events must be understood in the context of deteriorating relations with the United States. For American leaders had determined to different attitude Nicaragua than that taken towards Cuba in the 1960s. But the blocking of the $75m loan changed everything.
Both the FSLN and Nicaraguan bourgeoisie drew delegation to Moscow and now by the resignation from the ruling junta of the two leading bourgeois Chamorro and Alfonso Robelo.
LIVIO MAITAN explains what is going on.
own conclusions. nouncing imperialist launched, tions and a general radicalisation of the situation. And the FSLN has resfirst BORGE ON EL MDN SALVADOR people THE Nicaraguan army would immediately go into action if there was an imperialist intervention against El Salvador. Any intervention in El Salvador would be considered as an aggression against our own territory.' TOMAS BORGE (army chief and junta member), 15 April ponded sharply on where it has been challenged.
The first the against 'decapitalisation' their penalties including not only heavy confiscation figures, Violeta ened to A campaign de- revolution policy was involving mass mobilisashopkeeper's stands fol Robelo's every question Was a law stimulated by frontation Salvador. Defense minister Humberto Ortega with Fidel Castro fines and imprisonment but also state of these firms. FSLN commander Jaime Wheelock threatexpropriate the big cotton farmers if they refused to plant their land on time, and a decree confirmed the confiscation of property placed under the control of the Institute of Land Reform after the victory of the Finally a law in defence of the consumer was confirmed, along with a proposal to reinforce ENABAS without any concessions being made to the demands. Sanctions taken against shopkeepers who refused to respect the guidelines on prices were systematically reported by the radio and TV.
In response to the MDN initiative the FSLN launched a massive propaganda operation defending its role in the revolutionary process and rejec ting the demand for short-term elec tions. Most importantly, the FSLN has stressed in all these polemics that the interests exploited worker and peasant masses and is not prepared to hand back the political initiative to the bourgeoisie.
All this has deepened the social and political tensions in the country in a way that goes well beyond the intentions of the FSLN, which has combined its polemics with appeals to SCIN of responsibility.
Important events in the class struggle are on the horizon in Nicaragua. The cotton planting campaign could be a crucial turning point. And events in could also be further the developing con in neighbouring