meini represents a bourgeois leadership so many other currents in semi-colonial es, although in Iran this sort of curent aned religious garb. Accordingly, he i trying to hold the masses at bay unti order stabilised ¡sation' of capitalist development set in tHe will then presumably fail to satisfy ands of the insurgent masses and will lose political authority in their eyes. laving lost faith in Khomeini, the masses an alternative leadership admitted, of course, that Khomeini, like rgeois leader, will resort to repression like the urds demand for sent). Primarily, however, the process is one of rising mass combativity and the Verosion- Khomeini's authority, to decisive test ment working masses. je, Khomeini would have to be defended imperialist or restorationist forces. this picture bears In no sense can Khomeini be said to a bourgeois leadership.
some extent still is supported of the commerical bourgeoisie (in the The bulk of his base comes from the irban petty-bourgeoisi nd de-classed masses in the citie the majority of the new generation of Politically, he has of how a bourgeois state could or inction. His project, explained quite unambiguously both id in writing, is the establishment of the clergy as the direct representatives carth: Independent thought has no such government.
rule, for even and rural poor - maybe us.
unacceptable Khomeini's selfsystem DuL between the In the no resemblance to revolutionary Although he by no reason to defend and the the slightest The has Mass activity is encouraged only when it unfolds it is thienty of the the orient it pops it is ruthlessly crushed the moment it beyond such limits. Complete conformity is the among the hierarchy Khomeini will brook no dissent. consciousness or ete workers and tand cers and urban and .of Iran cannot be underestimated. The consolidation of Khomeini's authority over the past nine months has meant mounting selfabdication of any confidence and independence in favour of trust in god and his imam economic project-- to extent that he has even the vaguest idea of what an economy is — is not a rationalised capitalist an austere, autarkic preferably guarded from intercourse outside world. If that means a regression in the level of national production and an absolute decline in mass living standards, so be it.
On the basis of these observations, it must be concluded that there is absolutely For progressive Khomeini's leadership. It follows that anyone concerned with human progress in any form has Khomeini's rule against anything. This does not mean acceptance of US military intervention (which would, in any case, only raise the prestige of Khomeini still further). But it does mean that opposition to a threatened intervention must in no way be cast in any form that suggests defence of the existing regime.
It does not bode well for the future of Iran nat the raajority of the international left ha een unable to distinguish between a deepenin process of permanent revolution and a rise in irrational fanaticism serving to consolidate the rule of a repressive and reactionary theocracy.
itself the society, : with the nothing AFTER the Shah's Bakhtiar government.
The departure the pace of events quickened. Eight million people turned out to greet Khomeini on his return, in a direct challenge to the latter's attempts to get things back unde control by using the Imperial Guard to repress airfonce technicians a few days later backfired spectacularly in a mass revolt. Brian Grogan, reporting from Tehran for Socialist Challenge, wrote: 'In southern Tekran, the barricades were built array stood paralysed.' commaad ar most combative area of the city, practically the whole population demonstrated in the streets. Ha with cars and sandbags. I Sacalled Challeage 1 Febranny 1926 Pages