Vol ounterl Steelworkers from Caldicot picketing in Bristol The longest national strike since the war ended last month. The final deal - a 16% increase coupled with productivity strings and job loss - - was a clear sell-out of rank-and-file steelworkers by the union senten.
There was nothing unexpected about this. Sirs and other ISTC leaders had, throughout the 3 months' stoppage, sought to find a compromise with management at every turn. They delayed the entry of the private stee!workers (producing over 26% of total output) and opposed the flying pickets set up c chiefly by the South Yorkshire Strike Committee. Finally, over-riding militant protests to continue the strike, Sirs accepted the 16% increase to be paid for by 12.000 of his memers Jobs.
Despite the union leaders sell-out, however, in no way could the outcome of the strike be seen as a Tury victory. On the contrary the government was quite unable to břeak rank-and-filé resistance and was forced to settie on terms hardly conducive to its long-terin dillis Despite Joseph's threats, the original 2% offer was gradually raised to just over 16%..
Most important of all, the steelworkers strike has clearly raised the temperature of the class struggle. Rank-and -file workers were not, at the end of the day, demoralised but hardened in their anti-Tory hatred and this spirit has communicated itself to wide layers of the labour movement.
TEST CASE There can be little doubt that this is exactly what the Tories wanted to avoid. Originally, the steelworkers were chosen for a confrontation because Joseph was convinced that they would offer little opposition to their rationalisation plans - massive redundancies, 'productivity" proposals and low wages.
After all , the union had shown their weak-kneed attitude in the past, agreeing to plant closures and erosion of working conditions that had already led to drastic cuts in the workforce. Where better - the Tories calculated. than in steel to implement their and sympathisers can donate to it.
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Fearful of taking on the 'core' unions such as British Oxygen workers or the miners - who had already brought down a previous Tory government - they no doubt hoped to use the defeat in steel to demoralise stronger sectors of the labour movement in the next wage round.
CAMPAIGN To this end, a campaign of hatred was whipped up against the steelworkers. 'hreats of ever-more re dundancies were designed to split the workforce and draw 'weaker' layers back to work. Pickets were denounced in the press as 'union ni-nov uC olcc WCiC iven the green light to intimidate the militants and cart them off to the courts ..m... .....m= Tory offensive, however, strike remained 100% solid. No sector of British Steel workers crumbled even though those from plants such as Corby or Shotton -which were facing almost immediate shutdown - seemed to have little to gain from strike action.
Moreover, the massive flying picket operation that was mounted within days of the strike being called grew more intensive. Towards the end of the strike -despite Sirs' opposition - docks railways, steel stockholders and rivate industry were seriousl!
eginning to teel the pinch SOLDARITY Most important of all, as the strike began to develop, it drew behind it the support of a wide layer of the trade union movement who clearly of strength with the Tory government.
Railway workers refused to transport steel and dockers to handle it. Thousands of miners -South Wales and South Yorkshire - formed mass pickets at the private steel corporations (as at Sheerness and Hadfields).
What was even more significant, solidarity actions - such as that called by the South Wales TUC. brought out hundreds of thousands of workers in a one-day general strike. Fearful of the impact of steel plant closures on the region, the one day strike showed fund drive SOCIALIST ACTION, unlike the bourgeois press, has no vast funds to promote it. It relies purely on sales and on what readers If you would like to make a donation-however small, it all helps SA Fund Drive, c/o 58 Auckland Road, London SE19. the tendency implicit in the battle to broaden out into a general confrontation with the Tories. The threatened national dock strike a month later contirms this trend.
It also falls on the shoulders of the TUC who could have won the strike any time they wished to. Far from backing the call by the South Wales TUČ for an indefin tsTCoppeTu internned de erately to undermine it.
SURPRISE There can be no doubt that the Tories were taken completely by surprise by the determination of the steelworkers and the growing momentum among wide layers to turn it into a general confrontation with the government. The situa tion loued set for a repeat of the 1974 miners' strike which led to the removal of the Heath government.
What saved the Tories was the intervention of the trade-union leaders. At every stage of the struggle, they sought to undermine its effects and prevent it spreading to other layers. Responsibility falls not only on the shoulders of the ISTC leaders who opposed flying pickets or who -for over a month - refused to call out the private steelworkers.
RADICAL While the intervention by the union leaders may have got the government off the hook, it certainly hasn't helped them in their long-terin aims. not manage - as they had hoped -to use the defeat of the steel workers as a "precedent for other the - seeing the Tories firmness - will Wine hicaa: no doubt be cautious in the coming period, stronger sections such as the miners will hardly have been intimidated.
Moreover, the union leaders temselves have come in for a severe criticism by the rank-and-file whose experience in the strike has revealed the limitations of the bureaucrats' perspective. When Sirs announced the deal, the ISTC centre was surrounded by militants denouncing the sell-out and demanding a continuation of the strike.
CLASS STRUGGLE It was these workers who throughout the strike, had taken the lead in organising rank-and-file resistance and winning over broad layers in solidarity. It was saw it as a trial they who had set up the unofficial strike committees - such as that ir South Yorkshire - which had or Shey d ho had fought tonsrganises. the flying pickets.
More important still, it was they who had fought to turn the strike from one merely around wages into one against redundancies as well. It was they who had mounted the call 'No Redundancies! For 20% index-linked!' Whìch began to catch on among the rank-and-file.
militants who nationally and begin to fight for a clear class-struggle alternative to the vacillations and sell-outs of the ISTC leaders. For, it there was one lesson to learn from the steel strike, it was that living standards and jobs will not he defended against Tory attacks by the present mis-leaders.
Only a serious alternative to them, rooted in the rank-and-file will be able to offer policies - and a fighting spirit to impose theso policies - which can defeat the ruling class assault.
Koolnson s cast TUC intervened delib SACKED The reasons given?
This local union. have been disciplined.
The Tories did NO VICTIMISATIONS !
Last February, Dereck Robinson was sacked from British Leyland for daring to oppose management's decisions. It was a clear case of victimisation of an active trade unionist for political reasons.
, it would seem. is not unique. His treatment has set a precedent for managements elsewhere to 'get rid of' active trade unionists. Latest in line are Brixton DOE members of the CPSA who are currently being singled out and ictimised.
Phil Cordell was the first affected. Cordell. secretary of the South London CPSA branch for DOE workers, was sacked on April 30.
that on April 11, he attended a lobby of the CPSA National Executive, following a mandate from No other union members from other DOE offices * that on May 1, he signed an ANL advert in the South London Press (in line with union policy which sponsors the ANL both locally and nationally). Other civil servants signed the advert but only Brixton members were disciplined with warning letters * that he attended the TUC lobby of Parliament against the Corrie anti-abortion Bill. Again, many CPSA members in other areas did so although only members in Brixton were disciplined.
Phil Corddell RESPONSE When news of Cordell's sacking broke, the outrage was such that there was a one-day walk-out at the Brixton DOE. Since then, the CPSA has authorised a two-day official strike (with pay) and pressure is mounting for further action.
Cordell, however, is only the first to receive this treatment. The fact that two other branch officers are likely to be dismissed, for breaches in discipline, shows that a concerted attack is underway on the de moratic rights of union members and their organisation.
It is clear that examples like that of Phil Cordel! will multiply if the Prior antı-union Bill goes through later this year. This is wny support must de bunl up locally for Cordell's reinstatement and nationally to stop that Bill becoming law