(ASTMS) "But if the troops are withdrawn irom Northern Irelano, there l be a blood bath...". How often has us arument been neard m me labour movement - on the brief occasions • meland Is la:seu•" 10 oppose any idea of troop withdrawals. Isn't it the argument used by ligures trom Callaghan to koy Mason to justify their bi-partisan poncy with the lores.
But isn't it a fact that, on analysis or wnal is come on m une 6 Counties, a bloodbath is already occurring and that the chiet cause of it is the British troops (supposedly there to "prevent violence.
ACCIDENTAL?
The creation of N. Ireland in 1921 was achieved despite the opposition of the mass of the Irish people for self-determination. Forcing thousands of nationalist Irish people into this artificial state, successive British governments have collaborated with the right-wing Orange politicians to set up a repressive regime based on the denial of elementary rights to the Catholic minority.
A look at a tew or ine economic statistics within the border dramatically illustrates this "division" Since the partition, wage rates for the (largely Catholic) unskilled jobs have constantly been 4-6% lower than the corresponding rate in Britain, while those for the (largely Protestant) skilled jobs have been equal to i not nigner than the corresponding British rates.
unempoyment presents d similar picture. In 1975, the jobless total in rroleslani arcas was about 3-4% (Britain: 5%) while in Catholic areas it was about 15-20%. In housino. the canone area ol Fermanagh has a staggering 40-45% areas" (Antrim, Down and Lisburn), the rate is about 10 to 20%. Similar diterences can be seen in neart. infant mortality and infectious ciseases.
EXPLOSION It was these differences - combined wii elecuon manoeuvres - wilen explain the upsurge among the Catholic minority at the end of the 196Us. Ine mass railles and demonstrations represented the nonE oy mouses or camolics tot equal rights - for the right to decent nousing, a joo and democratic rights.
The entry of British troops, under 'sunny' Jim Callaghan in 1969, was not - as was widely suggested - to prevent pogroms in the North. It was to preserve a minority, to protect a status quo i walen rrotestant workers obtained certain privileges at the expense of Catholic workers.
Far from helping to preserve "peace", used as tne bulwark or a system which breeds violence and opposion neu mam dum nas been naked repression, torture in Castlereagh barracks and the imprisonment or hundreds of pollica. prisoners by means of no-jury courts and une anu-democrall Prevention of Terrorism Act. LABOUR COMPLICITY Unfortunately, instead of opposing this repression, successive Labour Home Secretaries have been only too prepared to entorce lt by claiming the need to fight against British troops have been "terrorism". eloquently proves What they are in fact doing, of course. Is to preserve a system o repression and privilege in Northern re ana wach uvides workie people and pits one sector against the other. By so doing, they create the situation in which a "bloodbath" constantly exists as the recent toll of deaths only too Removal of the troops from N. Ireland is not just an elementary duty of the British labour move. ment which has long pioneered the fight for democratic rights. It is also the only way to ensure that a bloodbath does not take place since be repressive riotestant maoriL! - confronted with a united Irish opposition - would be much more likely to lay down the gun and come to the conterence table This is why it is vital for socialists to take the issue of re and into trade une an Labour party branches, demanding the removal of troops - now!
Socialist Action February 80