ers are using the shipyard as unions, the strikers began organise their own independent committees and, what is more, elect delegates to the MKS (Interlactory Strike Cttee) to ordinate activity between various plants and factories.
What clearly worried the bureaucratic regime was that the demands raised by the strikers were not simply being limited to economic objectives - such as pay and conditions.
On the contrary, as the strike wave gathered momentum, it began to throw up demands and right-wing Labourites have professed sympathy for the Polish strikers, even though it sticks in their throat, is quite simple. By posing as champions of the Polish strikers, they hope they can blunt the full impact and example of this working-class struggle.
They hope to twist it to try and re-inforce anti-communism by falsely identifying the Stalinist bureaucrats as 'communist'. But the more the facts about Poland become known -- what the strikers are doing, saying and fighting for -the more such efforts will fall flat.
FACTS The facts are that the strikers in Gdansk and Sczecin were not acting to re lauroduce a capitalism that was thrown out over 30 years ago. They know only too well that the which directly challenged their special privileges and repressive rule. The demands for 'freedom of speech' and an end to the perks enjoyed by the secret police and party apparatus were cases ill polli RESPONSE The immediate reaction of the Stalinist leadership was, of course, to denounce the strikers as 'anti-socialist'. Eduard Giereck appeared on television and - as in the previous strike waves of 1970 and 1976 - denounced the threat of "anarchist and anti-socialist groups". Dissidents began to be arrested and Soviet intervention 'threatened'.
If Giereck's point was true, of course, it would be a damning indictement of a supposedly 'socialist' government that they had performed so badly that the workers preferred a return to capitalism.
But the demands of the Polish workers were crystalclear. They were not asking for a return to capitalism but an end to bureaucratic rule. As Walesa said: "We don't want to change the socialist ownership of the means of production. but we want to be real masters of the factories."
BUREAUCRACY What the workers were demandco- ing-what they have demanded in the the three strike waves that have hit the country Stalinist totalitarianism. A clear example of this was seen, just before the strike wave began, in the case of one Maciek Scszepanki, a protege of Giereck himself.
Scszepanki was dismissed
from his role, as head of the state Radio-TV Committee. for rter's Hypocrisy nationalised and planned economy has made possible great advances in industrialisation and the social services.
What they were challenging was the concentration of power in the hands of a parasitic bureaucracy which maintains its privileges by preventing them from democratically controlling economic decisions.
Bureaucratic handling of the economy, by this ruling caste, had led to economic stagnation, shortages and inflationary trends which the bureaucrats hoped to resolve by cutting the living standards of Polish workers. This is what the increase in meat prices was all about.
FACADE The aim of the mass upsurge in Poland was, in this sense, not to undermine socialism but to eradicate those forces who are its corruption. This guardian of 'proletarian right-thinking' was accused of owning ten lavish residences (some equipped with off a million dollars out of a deal he negotiated between Polish and British TV.
Seszepanki symbolised the whole ruling caste. It was against this caste against the socialised means of production workers were turning their hatred: a caste which keeps them in the dark as to the real facts, denies them elementary rights and them to make sacrifices off the fat of the land.
CONCESSIONS Faced with the rising the bureaucracy's mixture of threats and appeals cut no ice.
as a defender of human rights and urged the strikers, on not be broken, and frightened ira: re-shuttles among the bureaucratic leaders began to occur. On Sept 6th, it was announced that Giereck had was replaced by Stanislaw Kania.
is an end to 'heart attack' can be measured by the fact that this is exactly the same excuse used for the real facts are, of course, that to negotiate a series of 'concessions' with the strikers.
worst enemy. This was York Times (Aug. 30) which stated:
"... both the Communist authorities and the capitalist of interests in stability - so much so that one Western banker who asked not to be cited by name said that if the Russians actually did intervene in Poland, the nation's creditworthiness might actually increase", Behind the facade of sympathy for the Polish workers, they really fear and hate them because, in defying the Polish bureaucrats' austerity plans, an example can be set to Western workers to combat their austerity plans.
GAINS won by the Polish workers is grim news indeed for the swimming pools) and of raking men to yo For Polish workers, faced with a sharp rise in meat prices, workers; - and not that the Polish moners - while calling on - lives leave etc.
determination of Polish workers Even the Church - which had previously won some credibility - began to be discarded when OPPOSITION it came to the aid of the regime August 23rd, to return to work.
Aware that the strike could that its demands might escalate trade unions still further. it was at this point as ä necessary suffered a 'heart attack' and he The credibility of Giereck's wishful thinking. replacement of Gumulka during trade unions the strikes ten years earlier. The being built off that easily.
Giereck's usefulness was used up and that a new leader was needed LEADERSHIP practically admitted by the New bankers recognise a convergence enormous In this sense, the massive victory * Abolition of 'commercial * Selection of management on the basis or quantications and not party membership. Privileges of the secret police and party members to be eliminated *Introduction of food coupons for mcal an meal oroducts.
* Reduction on the age ol retirement for women to 50 and * Conformity of old-aged pensions with what has actually been paid * inprovements in the working condions or ine nealin service: to insure full medical care for all * Assurances of a reasonable number of child-care centres and kindergardens for working * An increase in the commutora! * Paid maternity leave for 3 years:
allowance trom 40 to 100 zlots:
* A day of rest on Saturdas workers in the brigade svstem 1o be compensated for the loss of a free Saturday with increased * Acceptance ot free trade unions in accordance with convention 87 of the International Labour Organisation:
* Guarantee of the right to strikt * Guarantee of the right of free Speech and publication * The release of all politica One of Kania's first speeches promised democracy and satisfaction of the strikers demands. The agreement by the bureaucrats to recognise free and the right to is clearly seer h They probably hope, however, that by limiting the role of the unions to issues such an as "pay and conditions' and by getting the strikers to recognise the Communist Party as the leading force in the state, to retain their political control.
If so, they are indulging in The Polish free - which are now will not be fobbed As they develop and grow, they and socialism.
Strikers in Gdansk discuss the demands to put to the gorernment Thatchers and Carters of this world, no matter how much they pretend otherwise. It has set an example to workers everywhere how to use the power they possess to defend their interests.
It has taught them to defend their right to unionise, to defend their right to a job and decent living standards, to defend their right to determine how they the producers of all wealth -should run the economy.
Strike leader Lech Walesa * Right of mass media to spreac information about the strike, the ormalon distrike cuees ano its demands * Making public intormation about the strike. the formation of the socio-economic crisis in roland ano amoung a sectors to take part in the discussion on à reform programme: * Compensation of all workers taking part in the strike: * An increase of 2.000 zlotys(£25) a month in the basic pay of all HOIACIS. * Guaranteed automotic increase in prices. * Full supply of food to the domestic market cal to sul diuse will become the key instrument in advancing the demands of all workers who have come to see them - and not the government - as representing their true interests.
demands inan mere. ones: the lifting of cencorship the freeing of political prisoner:
end to persecution, access to information on Poland's economic and sociai problems all these are part of the strike and will continue to be advanced by the new leaders thrown up by the MKS.
In fighting for these demands, the independent trade unions can become a central instrument for leading Polish workers to complete the struggle for genuine workers' democrac!
Equally important, it has shown workers the true face of communism which resides not in the bureaucratic misleaders but in the workers who formed the strike committees. This, in itself, will break down anticommunist prejudice, not build it. It will make it harder for Mrs Thatcher and her ilk to get workers to accept 'cuts' while, as part of her war drive, she lavishes millions on obsolete weaDons
Socialist Action members in the period ahead l. Do you think confrontations then community were prepared to tackle